Almost all ethnic armed groups have now signed cease-fire agreements with the Myanmese government. The Kachin Independence Organization and its armed wing Kachin Independence Army (KIO/KIA) is the only major armed group still battling the Myanmese army.

Along with the Chins, the Shans and the Burmans, the Kachins signed the historic Panglong agreement that formed the basis of the current federal union in 1947, a year before the country's independence from Britain.

However, in post-independence Myanmar, the Kachins felt betrayed by the central government.

The Kachins were denied autonomy that was agreed in principle during the Panglong conference. Moreover, the Kachins, who are mostly Christians, opposed the introduction of Buddhism as the state religion by then prime minister U Nu during the first parliamentary democracy. 

The KIO/KIA, formed in 1961, initially demanded independence but later opted for autonomy based on the Panglong agreement.

The group first signed a cease-fire agreement with the State Law and Order Restoration Council, the then military government, in 1994.

The 17-year-old cease-fire ended in June 2011 primarily for two important reasons.

First, in late April 2009, the KIO/KIA refused to accept the terms and conditions of transforming itself into the Border Guard Force, which would come under the direct command of the Myanmese army.

Second, the Myanmese military's interest in controlling lucrative hydropower projects and other natural resources in Kachin state led to the attack on the KIA on June 9, 2011.

The KIA demands that cessation of armed conflict must lead to or guarantee a political solution.

It also demands that the government declare a nationwide cessation of hostilities toward minorities and hold a national conference that resembles the Panglong conference.

The government's position is that a cease-fire should precede any political dialogue. The Myanmese government wants to sign a cease-fire agreement at the individual group level, contrary to the KIO/KIA's demand for a nationwide cease-fire.

The continued military offensive is an indication of increasing distrust and heightened tension between the two groups. The current violence is a consequence of unresolved historical problems and should not be studied in isolation.

In light of the deteriorating situation, the democratic opposition led by the National League for Democracy must not remain silent on the issue, even if both sides have committed human rights violations.

An ambition to win the majority of seats in the 2015 parliamentary elections should not overshadow the urgent need for a solution to the Kachin problem.

Ethnic armed groups that have signed cease-fire agreements with the Myanmese government should understand that genuine peace and national reconciliation cannot be achieved by themselves alone.

As much as they have struggled together for the past several decades for the restoration of democracy and for the establishment of a federal union, it is now equally important to show solidarity to ethnic Kachins.

Several collaborative efforts have helped enlighten the centrality of minority issues in  Myanmar's decades-old problems.

Leaving the Kachins on their own at this juncture of political transition will only weaken the bond and friendship of ethnic minorities' common struggle for equality of rights and autonomy.

The international community should use its economic and political influence to end the crisis.

If the conflict does not end, the US government should reconsider its intention to invite the Myanmese military to a US and Thai-led multinational military exercise in 2013.

The UN and ASEAN should make it clear to the Myanmese government that continued violence in Kachin state is unacceptable. Since the KIO/KIA does not demand secession or independence from the federal union, a negotiated political settlement is not an impossible task.

History has shown that minority problems in Myanmar cannot be addressed militarily.

A blame game between the two warring parties will not yield peace and stability. It requires mutual trust, participation and commitment from both the KIA and the Burmese military.

The ultimate objective should be to end the war-like situation, provide assistance to internally displaced persons, and bring a political solution to the lingering problem.

The author is general secretary of the US-based Kuki International Forum. His research focuses on the politics of South and Southeast Asia, with a concentration on Myanmar. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn