It seems that some modern-day foreign policy analysts should have been historians instead.

The version of the Great Game, which saw the British and Russian empires tussle for strategic control of Central Asia for much of the 19th century, is well and truly over.

It has been reborn under new rules where the Central Asian countries themselves get to decide who they want to play with.

When reading much of the debate about the future of Central Asia, it appears that these countries do not have the power to choose their own fate.

Russia's recent military deal with Kyrgyzstan has seen speculation that Moscow will look to control Bishkek. US military bases in the region, now closed, saw mudslinging accusations that the US would use them to put pressure on Russia and China.

China's open call for trade with the resource-rich region and the building of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have raised fears that Beijing will bring Central Asia under the crushing yoke of economic dependency.

While all these anxieties are based on real events, they completely discount the fact that Central Asia is a region that is perfectly able to pick and choose the best way to enjoy ties with all three of the great powers, as well as the EU, Iran and India.

Soon after the Soviet breakup, these republics found themselves in an identity crisis. They no longer wished to be associated with rule from Moscow, but cultural, political and economic ties facilitated a continued dependence on close links with Russia.

The September 11 attacks gave the US a perfect backdoor into the region, paying off the governments to let its troops be based there, and NATO convoys pass through on the way to Afghanistan.

Now, the dust has settled from this turbulent past. Central Asian countries have done an admirable task of capitalizing on these opportunities and increasing their own security at the same time.

The Central Asia-China pipeline, pumping natural gas from Turkmenistan to Xinjiang, and winding its way through Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, is more valuable to these countries' stability than armed troops.

At a time when China is seeking ways to shore its long-term energy sources, Beijing is not likely to let any strife disrupt its pipelines.

One can take a cynical view of Beijing's realpolitik in this region but one cannot deny such deals perfectly suit both sides.

Russia, after a time out in the cold, has returned to the fore in Central Asia. Russian President Vladimir Putin's dream of rebuilding some pastiche of the USSR took a step in the right direction when he convinced Kazakhstan to join a customs union with Belarus.

Astana's foreign policy has also been widely based on building up energy commerce links, using the vast hydrocarbon wealth of the ninth largest country in the world, to stave off criticism of its staggering rural poverty.

Beyond energy, transportation has provided another pillar of support for the development of Central Asia.

Kazakhstan is busy setting up rail and road links from Europe to China, dubbing them the "New Silk Road" and aiming to capture more of the transport business shuttling between the two.

The US has refrained from entering into this particular dance, seeking instead to curry favor through aid programs, education drives and calls for political reform.

The real issue is whether this economic scramble for Central Asia can truly help raise living standards in a region which continues to wrestle with civil strife, ethnic violence, and obscene levels of corruption.

The author is an editor with the Global Times. chrisdalby@globaltimes.com.cn