Editor's Note:

While conflicts between officialdom and the grass roots are growing prominent in China, public opinion is playing an increasingly powerful role in shaping government policy. Some characterize this as "populism," the exalting of popular sentiment over elite opinion, and fear its effects on "rational" governance. Should the government put public opinion first, or is it only dangerous sentiment? Four Chinese experts talked of "populism" during a recent symposium held by the Global Times in Beijing.

Double-edged sword

Cheng Enfu

 
Cheng Enfu, director of the Marxism Research Institute, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

Currently populism in China is not a systematic theory, but just a sort of social psychology; the belief that majority of the public or the majority of netizens are absolutely right.

A few scholars hold that there are hints of populism among some of Mao Zedong's ideas. But in my perspective, it was not that the grass roots started the Cultural Revolution (1966-76) first and Mao supported it. In fact, Mao, influenced by Joseph Stalin's encouragement of inner-party struggle, put forward some extreme left-wing ideas himself.

We cannot give a simple judgment on populism. Populism actually exists on both the "left" and "right" in current China. The "right-wingers" who embrace populist thoughts usually oppose macro-control by the government, oppose State-owned enterprises, oppose "democratic centralism," and censure "crony capitalism."

In comparison, the "left-wingers" who endorse populist ideas thoroughly commend Mao and the Cultural Revolution, and try to use Mao's thoughts to win support from the grass roots so as to oppose what they call "bureaucratic capitalism."

Populism should not be equated with nationalism. Take the protests against Japan in recent years. The government should understand and guide public feelings, rather than simply label them as "populism."

The government should also observe closely and differentiate reasonable public requirements from unreasonable ones.

Even those unreasonable requirements should be treated patiently. Some of these requirements stemmed from information asymmetry or a few misleading media reports. The government should take specific cases into consideration and deal with them properly. Overflow of populism dangerous

Yang Yang

Yang Yang, a professor at the China University of Political Science and Law

It is not proper to use the term "populism" to describe the regular demands in Chinese society. There has never been a complete theoretical system for populism in China.

In most cases, it just serves as a way for the grass roots to express their emotional appeals. In present China we should be vigilant against populism being utilized by certain doctrines instead of populism itself.

Characterized by nostalgia, populism is actually a sentiment of resistance in the modernization drive by taking an imagined world as the sole standard to judge everything. Those supporting populism seek equality in politics and a fair economy.

Modernization will definitely disintegrate traditional society, then trigger turmoil and even cause a severe crisis with irretrievable losses. Generally, the more grave the crisis is, the more projected the polarization will be and the wider the populist sentiment will spread.

Populist thoughts in China can be traced back to the mid-1800s. Its call for equality, indeed, helps curb excessive capital expansion during the modernization drive, but it has obvious disadvantages.

Human communities have to solve two basic issues: creation and distribution, and the former always comes to the forefront. However, populism and its pursuits mainly focus on distribution, so it can hardly tackle the conundrum of creation and development.

If a nation is known for its traditions of rationality and rule of law, populism may become a political and cultural foundation for gradual social reform in the drive for modernization. But in China where the two essentials are badly needed, populism will probably stimulate radical movements and extremism.

In today's China, the government and media assume major responsibilities in constraining the overflow of populism, which is not awful in itself but dreadful when combined with ultra-nationalism. Powerful center needed

Zhang Shuhua

 
Zhang Shuhua, director and research fellow at the Institute of Information Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

Populism is everywhere, but is hard to be defined in the wide and ever-changing spectrum of social ideologies. Generally, populism is a kind of untethered social mood. Populism is not a monster, but we have to keep alert about populist politics.

In the global context, especially when the international financial crisis broke out, populist politics have become rampant worldwide. Internal conservatism and external isolationism are its symptoms in many nations. As for Chinese society, political tabloidization is a typical manifestation of populist politics.

Some officials like talking big, and making political shows and irresponsible promises. This is the real monster for Chinese politics. Some of them do not care about the long-term interests of the people, simplifying some complicated problems and prioritizing individual benefits ahead of public interests. Democracy becomes their verbal twitch.

Some "public intellectuals" describe themselves as the incarnation of the popular will, but actually, they do this only for the benefits of some certain individuals.

China's new leadership has noted that as China is still at the primary stage of socialism, society cannot advance rashly. Facing intertwined social problems, China needs a powerful central government, which has absolute authority over many groups of vested interests.

This government must focus on China's core and long-term interests, which are in line with the majority's benefits.

In the meantime, it must have the courage to avoid populist politics and assume responsibilities to deal with concrete issues.

As for the populist thinking that is rampant in Chinese society, China's ruling authorities should deal with it in a proper manner.

These thoughts cannot be glorified or magnified. The government cannot be manipulated or even kidnapped by these thoughts, while giving full considerations to all kinds of voices. Officialdom worse problem

Wang Zhanyang

 
Wang Zhanyang, professor with the Central Institute of Socialism

Something with "ism" as its suffix means something is put at the highest priority. Populism means public opinion is given the supreme position. The main problem is that it excludes elites' politics and equalitarianism in economics.

A contrasting doctrine puts official opinion in a supreme position, which means official opinion is the sole truth, justice and standard, reflected by the trend of official-oriented policies, bureaucracy, privileges held by officials and overlooking public opinion.

The emergence of populism in political sphere is not an urgent issue to tackle with. The urgent problem now is how to make good on the government's promises.

A government should have the capability to make promises, but more importantly have the capability to make these promises come true.

Generally speaking, it is not necessarily a bad thing that politicians try to please the public.

The public will feel dispirited if the government makes no promises.

In current China, the tense relations between officials and the public is unprecedented, the origin of which is social unfairness and the officials-oriented doctrine.

This doctrine prevails in some places, and populism is a natural, if emotional byproduct.

The government should hold public opinion in awe. Most public demands are rational. If officials are determined to carry out the Mass Line Campaign, they should have the wisdom to listen to sharp criticisms from the public.

If we compare the country to a building, then public opinions are the cement between bricks and tiles. Without cement, nothing will be left.