Chinese President Xi Jinping (front R), also general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, talks with a deputy to the 12th National People's Congress (NPC) from the People's Liberation Army (PLA) in Beijing, capital of China, March 11, 2014. Xi attended a plenary meeting of PLA deputies attending the second session of the 12th NPC and delivered an important speech here on Tuesday. (Xinhua/Li Gang)
There have been various topics coming out of this year's two sessions, but the main theme has been deepening reforms. Prior to the two sessions, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee Xi Jinping presided over a meeting of China's central leading team for comprehensively deepening reform, stressing there were seven years left to implement the reform tasks set at the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee of the CPC last year. The government work report by Premier
Li Keqiang referred to reforms 77 times. All these indicate China's main task for the Party, the government and all of society at the current stage.
The aggressive push toward reforms by China's top leaders has been unprecedented in recent years, and reforms in China are in full momentum. China needs firm reformists at all levels of society. They play the key role of carrying out the directions from the top leadership.
Do officials at provincial and township levels have the same determination as the top leadership in carrying out comprehensive reforms? To be honest, society is not as confident as officials at the top.
Reforms are bound to intrude into the interests of certain groups, and redistributing those interests is risky. Some senior officials are not able or willing to undertake the risks. Avoiding doing things wrong and displeasing others is still the doctrine for a number of officials.
Some officials think that opinions on the Internet are too complex and worry about being besieged. Others don't have much enthusiasm for reforms and try to strike a balance between directions from the top and the demands of local people.
The eight-point regulation that the top leadership began promoting in 2012 to ban extravagance and formalism of officials has been carried out from the top down. But during the process, officials at some levels have not been prepared, as reflected by the complaints and grievances from public servants at the lowest level of society.
Every coin has two sides. If we want to create a fair market environment and empower State-owned enterprises (SOEs), but are averse to taking any risks, the effect of reforms will be compromised.
Another urgent task for China is maintaining social stability. When a mass incident takes place due to readjustment of interests, it tests the attitude of local leaders about whether to overcome discrepancies by leading reform efforts or kicking it up to the top leadership.
When the public points their fingers at interest groups that stand in the way of reforms, they usually mean civil servants and SOEs. Actually, when reforms are carried out, they will touch upon the interests of nearly all Chinese people. The opposing voices will eventually mount for the government.
Seven years is but a fleeting moment for a country like China. The Third Plenum set about 60 reform measures and carrying them out is a glorious mission for us.
The fundamental interests of the entire population will outweigh the struggle for individual interests. This is an era of reform and reformists.