U Htin Kyaw, a representative of Aung San Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy (NLD), was elected Myanmar's next president on Wednesday, the first civilian leader of the country after decades of military rule. U Myint Swe, a former general of the military delegation, gained the position as first vice president, who was followed by U Henry Van Thio, an ethnic Chin member of parliament nominated by the NLD.

Some Western commentators are quite dissatisfied with the result, because from their perspective, the new Myanmese government without the NLD's complete rule is not indicative of the triumph of democracy.

Their argument is still based on the Western democratic norms - only when the military is ousted from the country's political life will Myanmar have real democracy. But this would cause nationwide turmoil given Myanmar's national conditions.

The result of the general elections shows that Myanmar's politics will see a new model of cooperation between a civilian party and the military. Furthermore, Henry Van Thio's participation adds a tinge of multi-ethnic cooperation to the country's political realm.

Under Myanmar's Constitution, 25 percent of the parliament's seats are appointed by the military, which is a harsh reality though it disobeys common rules of democratic elections. However, Myanmar's political transition cannot break away from this reality.

We have seen numerous failed cases in some Middle Eastern and Southeast Asian countries, in particular those with powerful military establishment, which held democratic elections in rigid imitation of Western countries and disregarded collaboration in cruel competition. Such elections have often resulted in a divided society instead of cohesion.

Myanmar has been ruled by the military for more than 50 years. The existing national civil servant system took shape under military rule and reforming the institution is not as simple as removing all the staff. 

The NLD lacks capacity to rule on its own. A shortage of administrative staff has plagued the party for a long time. Therefore, it doesn't have much choice but to rely on the current institution to carry out gradual transformation while improving the civil servant system.

Myanmar's military has long before formed a colossal group of vested interests, which is able to control and manipulate the country's politics, economy and society. Any maneuver attempting to compromise the interests of the group will encounter formidable resistance.

Only if the NLD learns how to compete and coordinate with the military will Suu Kyi be able to bring forth the changes she has always longed for.

She knows very well how difficult it is to deal with the military. Since entering parliament in 2011, the NLD has adopted various flexible means, including seeking cooperation with the military, making concessions, and transferring power, in exchange for more wiggle room for the party's survival and development. And the army has also yielded in some ways over the years.

Currently, three crucial ministries, defense, border affairs and home affairs, are still under the control of the military. Both national reconciliation and economic development need military cooperation.

Purging the military from the political circle will definitely instigate chaos across the nation and consequently be a disaster for the general public. This kind of life-or-death democratic election system is unfit for Myanmar.

It is conceivable that there will be frictions and even fierce conflicts between the NLD and the military in the future. Nonetheless, it is possible for them to cooperate as long as their interests converge.

The joint ruling of the NLD and the military is conducive to Myanmar's political transformation. As a rising star on Myanmar's political stage, the NLD has paid a heavy price for promoting the country's democracy and gained the present position.

The NLD's achievement is also partly attributed to the gradual reforms led by the military government. Be it voluntary or forced, the army has changed its attitude toward the NLD and become receptive to cooperation. This is where the hope of building a society with consensus and nurturing the ability of reform and improvement lies.

The author is a senior editor with People's Daily. dinggang@globaltimes.com.cn. Follow him on Twitter @dinggangchina