The eighth China-US Security and Economic Dialogue (S&ED) occurs at the terminal "lame duck" phase of the Barack Obama presidency. Given the tensions over the South China Sea issue, skeptics wonder whether much progress in mutual relations can be made at this time.

US-China relations encompass a broad range of diplomatic, military, economic, scientific, environmental and technological issues. Achieving a proper balance between them and managing differences correctly can contribute to peace and development.

There are many areas of positive engagement and cooperation that are ongoing and which can be expanded.  Broadening people-to-people contacts and exchanges can help build a firm foundation on which to build future relations. Progress in such areas has been steady and contributes to a positive view of the future on both sides.

But tensions over the South China Sea issue strain overall relations. These tensions must be tamped down to avoid serious accidents and mistakes.

Full and frank dialogue on the South China Sea, not to mention on the East China Sea, is essential, so that both sides have a clear understanding of each other's position, including red lines.

The issue of red lines should not remain ambiguous, as miscalculations could trigger conflict.  As the Chinese side has said, there is plenty of room in the Pacific for all. The US side, however, is wedded to obsolete geopolitical concepts and policies which bear directly on the South and East China Seas. 

Just before the Obama administration took office, an elite policy consensus was reached about future US strategy. The so-called "pivot" policy was part of the consensus which recognized that the US had become bogged down in the Middle East at a time when China was rising.

Once in power the Obama administration began to elaborate and implement the pivot. This process took a number of months to initiate as it followed the conclusion of a major government-wide review of China policy.

The Obama policy is an update of the old Cold War geopolitical concept of the containment of the Eurasian landmass and the concept of the bloc system. Thus, the administration focused on the hard-power strategic encirclement of the Eurasian landmass to contain Russia and China. 

At the same time, soft-power instruments were adopted to update the bloc system into a strategic rivalry between so-called "democratic" states versus non-democratic states.  

Soft-power instruments include coercive diplomacy, neoliberal economics, and information campaigns.

Under this update, Japan was selected to be the regional leader of the "democratic" states backed by increased US military cooperation and presence in the Asia-Pacific region.

Overall, US policy has been to strengthen transatlantic and NATO relations in order to meet a perceived growing threat from a rising China and a renewed Russia.

Given such a mindset in Washington, critics are not confident that tensions in the Asia-Pacific or in Europe will soon be reduced.

The US proposal at the Shangri-la Dialogue for a broadened security network in the Asia-Pacific region extends Washington's geopolitical designs. Although China seemingly is invited to join, some skeptics view this as mere window dressing.

The new security network is simply an update of the obsolete hub and spokes Cold War structure already in place, critics say.

The US-Japan alliance and the ANZUS alliance constitute core elements of this structure which is linked to the globalization of NATO.

As the Obama administration is in its terminal months, it is prudent to ask about US policy in the next administration. 

Under Hillary Clinton, many expect a hawkish and assertive continuation of the Obama policy.

Aside from the bluster and bombast, Donald Trump indicates he wants a major change in foreign policy. Some of his more thoughtful supporters hope such a change would lead to an emphasis on major power cooperation in the emerging multipolar world.

Whatever the results of this year's S&ED meeting, the results of the US November elections will signal the future direction of China-US relations.

The author is an educator and former senior professional staff member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn