Brazil’s political crisis rooted in multi-party system, economic crash

By Cui Shoujun and Otávio Costa Miranda Source:Global Times Published: 2016-4-21 23:43:01

Illustration: Liu Rui/GT


The Brazilian government is trapped in a political crisis with no end in sight. Less than four months prior to the Olympic Games held in this giant country, President Dilma Rousseff suffered a crushing defeat on Sunday as the lower house voted to impeach her.

This year is supposed to be a grand one for Brazil and Rio, as hosting the Olympics will serve as a chance to showcase a rising Brazil to the rest of the world. However, the current political predicament is a stark contrast to the past confidence.

Although Brazil became a republic long ago, it is not a two-party system like the US, but a multi-party system. Brazil has a dozen of political parties sharing the vote with diverse demands. As no single party has the strength to rein in power, wooing the middle parties and establishing ruling alliances has become the primary strategy for major parties. The Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB) is one of the middle parties that are playing a key role in the rivalry among different parties.

During the military rule between 1964 and 1985, the Brazilian congress was divided into two distinct parties, pro and anti-junta. Amid the democratic transition period, the former evolved into the Progressive Party and latter became the PMDB. After the elected government took power in 1985, the PMDB became the driving force behind the formulation of the Constitution in 1988 and played a vital role in the country's democratic process. Afterward, the PMDB became the biggest party in Brazil and held the most seats in both the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. It served as a stabilizer in maintaining the country's political balance.

Interestingly, the PMDB has always been an ally of other parties and never acts as an opposition party. The reason is that the party is internally fragmented.

Therefore, the PMDB has become the middle power that all the other parties woo. Without its support, no other party can take the lead. In 2002, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, then a candidate from a left-wing electoral alliance led by the Workers' Party, won the presidential elections and became the first elected left-wing president. The PMDB played a pivotal role as an ally.

In 2010, Lula's loyal disciple Rousseff took over the Workers' Party and won the election. However, due to the drastic changes in both domestic and foreign situation, especially the domestic economic stagnation and inflation, Rousseff began to change strategies. She tried to divide the PMDB and woo some smaller parties. She also sought representative reforms to cope with the challenges from the Social Democracy Party of Brazil, the main opposition.

Rousseff's actions triggered dissatisfaction from the PMDB. Due to her disappointing political performance and the country's worsening economic scenario, the PMDB decided to change side, which eventually led to the impeachment of Rousseff.

Behind the political struggles is the deepening economic crisis. Although the largest economy in Latin America and the world's seventh largest economy, Brazil is drawing into the most serious economic downturn in 30 years. The IMF expects Brazil's economy to contract 3.8 percent this year, still be in recession.

If Rousseff is suspended, Vice President Michel Temer will take her role. Temer has rich political experience and strong leadership ability. However, the defection of the PMDB will meet objections from the Workers' Party, which enjoys high popularity among the middle and lower classes and trade unions. There is little change in the governance of the PMDB. The impeachment of the president has intensified the division in Brazilian society. Brazil's chaotic political situation will not end in the short term, given the uncertainties remaining. There is the possibility that mass protests will break out during the Olympic Games later this year.

Cui Shoujun is director of the Center for Latin America Studies and a research fellow of the National Academy of Development and Strategy, Renmin University of China (RUC); Otávio Costa Miranda is a research associate of Center for Latin America Studies, RUC. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn Follow us on Twitter @GTopinion



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