Zhou Nan at the interview with the Global Times on October 28. Photo: Pang Yue/ Global Times

Editor's Note:

Fifty years ago, on November 1, 1971, the flag of the People's Republic of China (PRC) was raised for the first time at the United Nations (UN) headquarters. Previously on October 25, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) adopted Resolution 2758 by an overwhelming majority, deciding to restore all the rights of the PRC at the UN and to recognize the delegates of its government as the only legitimate representatives of China to the UN. In November of the same year, the first delegation of the PRC to the UN departed for New York, including first sectary and counselor Zhou Nan (Zhou), who later became deputy permanent representative to the UN, vice foreign minister, and head of the Chinese delegation to the China-British negotiations on Hong Kong issues. In an exclusive interview with Global Times reporters Lin Xiaoyi, Zhao Juecheng, and Pang Yue (GT), Zhou, who served as one of China's first diplomats to the UN for 10 years from 1971 to 1981, recalled that the restoration of the PRC's legal seat at the UN was driven by the changing international situation. And China's return has made great contributions to the international community in safeguarding peace and justice. "Now China has already become a major supporter of the UN and its cooperation with the UN will embrace an infinitely brighter future," he said.

An unexpected breakthrough

GT: Could you recall the moment of the restoration of the PRC's lawful seat at the United Nations in 1971？

Zhou: China was able to resume its rightful seat in 1971, something that the US did not anticipate and neither did we.  

The American thinking at the time was to put it off for as long as they could. When Henry Kissinger, who first visited China in October 1971, was leaving, he said that China could not get into the UN that year but it might be possible the following year. US politicians meant to delay China for a year but Kissinger knew that it would not be possible to hold us for a long time. In the end, Kissinger's calculations were still wrong.

In fact, we did not expect it ourselves. At that time the first vote of the UNGA to restore China's lawful seat was rejected with the "important question" draft, a trick played by the US and Japan, who required a two-third majority vote to restore China's lawful seat. They proposed the draft mainly because the threshold of half of the votes could not stop China. In fact, even if the votes of a two-third majority were submitted, US supporters were decreasing year on year while its opponents were growing.

Once the "important question" draft was broken, a vote to restore China to its rightful seat only required a half majority vote. So once the final vote passed, the hall went wild. Our supporters cheered and applauded, most notably the Tanzanian delegate Salim Ahmed Salim, who once served as ambassador to China and was then Tanzania's permanent representative to the UN. He had also been Tanzania's foreign minister and later became prime minister. US media showed Salim jumping and dancing at the UN General Assembly.

I recently saw an interview where a reporter asked Salim what he thought of the Western media saying he was dancing. He said he never regretted that move at that time and he would dance again if he had the chance. He is a tough guy and our real friend.

In November 1971, the Chinese delegation including Qiao Guanhua (second from left) and Zhou Nan (middle) held talks with George H.W. Bush, then US representative in the UN. Photo: Courtesy of Zhou Nan

GT: You mentioned that many people did not expect China to regain its lawful seat in the UN at that time. In retrospect, why did it happen in 1971?

Zhou: When Nixon left China he said that his seven-day visit had changed the world, but Chairman Mao said, not really, it was the world that had changed him. What had changed in the world at that time? How did Nixon and the UN change?

One of the changes is the great success of China's "Two Bombs and One Satellite."China's comprehensive national strength had increased. And we had been supporting the national independence movement of African countries for many years, who were grateful to China. The other is that a US-led hegemony was unpopular. At that time, George Herbert Walker Bush was the representative of the United States in the UN. When he saw that the voting was not favorable to the US, he fidgeted in his seat, which left me with a deep impression.

As the international situation changed, so did the composition of the UN. In the 1950s, shortly after the UN was established, there were not many countries in the organization and the situation there was controlled by the US. Then African countries became independent and the UN added a large number of members. These new African brothers generally embraced us so it became increasingly difficult for the US to control the UN. 

Changing the pattern actively

GT: What was the significance of China's restoration of its lawful seat at the United Nations in 1971 and what impact did it have on the international situation at that time?

Zhou: Changes in the international situation prompted China to resume its seat in the UN, which in turn greatly increased the strength and morale of third world countries in the international stage. When we returned to the UN, we cooperated with the countries in the Non-Aligned Movement, the Group of 77, to vigorously advocate against hegemony, support national independence movements, and promote further changes in the world. Throughout the 1970s, the UN was in full bloom.

For some countries that were not independent at that time, we also supported them on issues such as anti-colonialism and anti-racism. At that time, the main heads of national movement parties, especially in non-independent African countries, came to the UN and approached us for support. We also supported them firmly in our speeches and votes.

The most important vote was the election of the UN Secretary General. The candidate we and other third world countries supported was Salim. The US had a grudge against him and also had their preferred Western candidate. The US vetoed us once we mentioned Salim, and we vetoed them when they recommended their candidate, forming a "veto war" on both sides.

At that time in the Security Council, a US counselor asked me, "For how long are you going to place a veto?" I replied that the day you veto Salim, we will veto you too. We will fight until the end, because our veto is for the third world and for the developing countries.

Later, some neutral countries tried to mediate and proposed Javier Pérez de Cuéllar from Peru as nominee for Secretary General, who was acceptable to representatives on both sides. The problem was finally resolved.

Zhou Nan at the United Nations. Photo: Courtesy of Zhou Nan

GT: What are some of the special events you remember from your 10 years at the UN ? 

Zhou: When the delegation arrived in New York, we received overwhelming attention from the American public and the media. The slightest of things that happened in the delegation made the newspapers. They said the Chinese suits we wore were beautiful costumes and there were also American college students from all over the country who came to New York to deliver the Model United Nations performance at the Roosevelt Hotel where we were staying. 

When I worked at the UN, we often encountered that proposals from developing countries were rejected in the Security Council, but they still put them to a vote in the UNGA, often with overwhelming majorities. Although UNGA resolutions are not binding, they are useful in generating public opinion which is why many developing countries use this approach.

When I first came to the UN, George H.W. Bush was the US Permanent Representative, followed by John Alfred Scali, and Daniel Patrick Moynihan. Once, a resolution opposed by the US in the Security Council was passed in the General Assembly. Moynihan became furious and said in public that it was the "tyranny of the majority."

When the US had a majority of supporters at the UN, they said it was democracy and that the minority should obey the majority. Now that the US could not hold the majority, they said it was the tyranny of the majority. There were so many contradictions.

A more obvious example is the war in Iraq. The US was struggling to convince its allies in the Security Council to support it. Former US Secretary of State Colin Powell, who just passed away, went to the Security Council and said that investigations had revealed that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction and the UN should act. But France and other countries did not support it, so the US went it alone. Without the authorization of the Security Council, this war was itself illegal.

The US tries the use of the UN when it has the majority but takes a negative attitude when they cannot, delaying or refusing to pay its dues, and even choosing to withdraw. Former president Donald Trump withdrew the US from the UN Human Rights Council and after Biden came to power, he found that withdrawing was not a wise strategy. Biden rejoined the Council in order to make trouble from within.

GT: What is your expectation for future cooperation between China and the UN?

Zhou: The future still depends on further development of our national power to have more influence. Now China has become the main supporter of the UN, upholding the UN Charter, pursuing multilateralism and firmly upholding international peace and justice. The UN is also a great platform for us to promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind. It is fair to say that our cooperation has a bright future.

Zhou Nan at the interview with the Global Times on October 28. Photo: Pang Yue/ Global Times

Editor's Note:

Fifty years ago, on November 1, 1971, the flag of the People's Republic of China (PRC) was raised for the first time at the United Nations (UN) headquarters. Previously on October 25, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) adopted Resolution 2758 by an overwhelming majority, deciding to restore all the rights of the PRC at the UN and to recognize the delegates of its government as the only legitimate representatives of China to the UN. In November of the same year, the first delegation of the PRC to the UN departed for New York, including first sectary and counselor Zhou Nan (Zhou), who later became deputy permanent representative to the UN, vice foreign minister, and head of the Chinese delegation to the China-British negotiations on Hong Kong issues. In an exclusive interview with Global Times reporters Lin Xiaoyi, Zhao Juecheng, and Pang Yue (GT), Zhou, who served as one of China's first diplomats to the UN for 10 years from 1971 to 1981, recalled that the restoration of the PRC's legal seat at the UN was driven by the changing international situation. And China's return has made great contributions to the international community in safeguarding peace and justice. "Now China has already become a major supporter of the UN and its cooperation with the UN will embrace an infinitely brighter future," he said.

An unexpected breakthrough

GT: Could you recall the moment of the restoration of the PRC's lawful seat at the United Nations in 1971？

Zhou: China was able to resume its rightful seat in 1971, something that the US did not anticipate and neither did we.  

The American thinking at the time was to put it off for as long as they could. When Henry Kissinger, who first visited China in October 1971, was leaving, he said that China could not get into the UN that year but it might be possible the following year. US politicians meant to delay China for a year but Kissinger knew that it would not be possible to hold us for a long time. In the end, Kissinger's calculations were still wrong.

In fact, we did not expect it ourselves. At that time the first vote of the UNGA to restore China's lawful seat was rejected with the "important question" draft, a trick played by the US and Japan, who required a two-third majority vote to restore China's lawful seat. They proposed the draft mainly because the threshold of half of the votes could not stop China. In fact, even if the votes of a two-third majority were submitted, US supporters were decreasing year on year while its opponents were growing.

Once the "important question" draft was broken, a vote to restore China to its rightful seat only required a half majority vote. So once the final vote passed, the hall went wild. Our supporters cheered and applauded, most notably the Tanzanian delegate Salim Ahmed Salim, who once served as ambassador to China and was then Tanzania's permanent representative to the UN. He had also been Tanzania's foreign minister and later became prime minister. US media showed Salim jumping and dancing at the UN General Assembly.

I recently saw an interview where a reporter asked Salim what he thought of the Western media saying he was dancing. He said he never regretted that move at that time and he would dance again if he had the chance. He is a tough guy and our real friend.

In November 1971, the Chinese delegation including Qiao Guanhua (second from left) and Zhou Nan (middle) held talks with George H.W. Bush, then US representative in the UN. Photo: Courtesy of Zhou Nan

GT: You mentioned that many people did not expect China to regain its lawful seat in the UN at that time. In retrospect, why did it happen in 1971?

Zhou: When Nixon left China he said that his seven-day visit had changed the world, but Chairman Mao said, not really, it was the world that had changed him. What had changed in the world at that time? How did Nixon and the UN change?

One of the changes is the great success of China's "Two Bombs and One Satellite."China's comprehensive national strength had increased. And we had been supporting the national independence movement of African countries for many years, who were grateful to China. The other is that a US-led hegemony was unpopular. At that time, George Herbert Walker Bush was the representative of the United States in the UN. When he saw that the voting was not favorable to the US, he fidgeted in his seat, which left me with a deep impression.

As the international situation changed, so did the composition of the UN. In the 1950s, shortly after the UN was established, there were not many countries in the organization and the situation there was controlled by the US. Then African countries became independent and the UN added a large number of members. These new African brothers generally embraced us so it became increasingly difficult for the US to control the UN. Chairman Mao Zedong once said, "It was our fellow developing countries that 'carried' the People's Republic of China into the United Nations." 

Changing the pattern actively

GT: What was the significance of China's restoration of its lawful seat at the United Nations in 1971 and what impact did it have on the international situation at that time?

Zhou: Changes in the international situation prompted China to resume its seat in the UN, which in turn greatly increased the strength and morale of third world countries in the international stage. When we returned to the UN, we cooperated with the countries in the Non-Aligned Movement, the Group of 77, to vigorously advocate against hegemony, support national independence movements, and promote further changes in the world. Throughout the 1970s, the UN was in full bloom.

For some countries that were not independent at that time, we also supported them on issues such as anti-colonialism and anti-racism. At that time, the main heads of national movement parties, especially in non-independent African countries, came to the UN and approached us for support. We also supported them firmly in our speeches and votes.

The most important vote was the election of the UN Secretary General. The candidate we and other third world countries supported was Salim. The US had a grudge against him and also had their preferred Western candidate. The US vetoed us once we mentioned Salim, and we vetoed them when they recommended their candidate, forming a "veto war" on both sides.

At that time in the Security Council, a US counselor asked me, "For how long are you going to place a veto?" I replied that the day you veto Salim, we will veto you too. We will fight until the end, because our veto is for the third world and for the developing countries.

Later, some neutral countries tried to mediate and proposed Javier Pérez de Cuéllar from Peru as nominee for Secretary General, who was acceptable to representatives on both sides. The problem was finally resolved.

Zhou Nan at the United Nations. Photo: Courtesy of Zhou Nan

GT: What are some of the special events you remember from your 10 years at the UN ? 

Zhou: When the delegation arrived in New York, we received overwhelming attention from the American public and the media. The slightest of things that happened in the delegation made the newspapers. They said the Chinese suits we wore were beautiful costumes and there were also American college students from all over the country who came to New York to deliver the Model United Nations performance at the Roosevelt Hotel where we were staying. 

When I worked at the UN, we often encountered that proposals from developing countries were rejected in the Security Council, but they still put them to a vote in the UNGA, often with overwhelming majorities. Although UNGA resolutions are not binding, they are useful in generating public opinion which is why many developing countries use this approach.

When I first came to the UN, George H.W. Bush was the US Permanent Representative, followed by John Alfred Scali, and Daniel Patrick Moynihan. Once, a resolution opposed by the US in the Security Council was passed in the General Assembly. Moynihan became furious and said in public that it was the "tyranny of the majority."

When the US had a majority of supporters at the UN, they said it was democracy and that the minority should obey the majority. Now that the US could not hold the majority, they said it was the tyranny of the majority. There were so many contradictions.

A more obvious example is the war in Iraq. The US was struggling to convince its allies in the Security Council to support it. Former US Secretary of State Colin Powell, who just passed away, went to the Security Council and said that investigations had revealed that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction and the UN should act. But France and other countries did not support it, so the US went it alone. Without the authorization of the Security Council, this war was itself illegal.

The US tries the use of the UN when it has the majority but takes a negative attitude when they cannot, delaying or refusing to pay its dues, and even choosing to withdraw. Former president Donald Trump withdrew the US from the UN Human Rights Council and after Biden came to power, he found that withdrawing was not a wise strategy. Biden rejoined the Council in order to make trouble from within.

GT: What is your expectation for future cooperation between China and the UN?

Zhou: The future still depends on further development of our national power to have more influence. Now China has become the main supporter of the UN, upholding the UN Charter, pursuing multilateralism and firmly upholding international peace and justice. The UN is also a great platform for us to promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind. It is fair to say that our cooperation has a bright future.