Editor's Note: 

Less than two weeks ahead of Legislative Council elections in Hong Kong, the Global Times reporters Chen Qingqing and Bai Yunyi (GT) had an exclusive interview with Carrie Lam(Lam), chief executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government, to look back on her experience in governing Hong Kong, especially during the most difficult period in 2019 amid social turmoil, how she sees the implementation of the national security law for Hong Kong, and how electoral reform has changed the landscape of political life and helped bring back social stability. Lam also shared her expectations for the upcoming elections and responded to some doubts such as possible low turnout rates. 

A view of Hong Kong Photo: VCG

Looking back on the years 

GT：As you have been the chief executive of the HKSAR government for nearly five years now, if you look back on your experience in those years, what do you think your greatest achievement and your greatest regret are, respectively?

Lam: The past four years or so may be the most severe, challenging period for Hong Kong since its return to the motherland in 1997. We had nearly a year of social unrest from the second half of 2019, and we have been fighting against the COVID-19 epidemic for almost two years. In such a difficult situation, I feel relieved that Hong Kong has been getting through all these ups and downs, and the situation is now stable, which is also a good situation.

It's hard to say what I achieved, but what makes me quite satisfied is that Hong Kong has gone through such a storm, and with the support of the central government, the city is back on the correct track of "one country, two systems." That makes me feel fully confident for its future. I believe that under "one country, two systems," Hong Kong can continue playing out its advantages and integrating into the country's overall development plan, ensuring that the "one country, two systems" policy is carried out steadily.

What is most regretful is I was unable to unite Hong Kong society better. When I looked back to my campaign slogan five years ago, it was "We connect." At that time, we had many social conflicts and divergences, but I pledged with this slogan for hope to unite Hong Kong society throughout my tenure. However, what happened in 2019 led to many young, misled students to engage in some illegal conduct. It's a pity that I could not have united Hong Kong society better. 

I believe that we'll have this chance in the future, as now the "one country, two systems" is back on the right track, and electoral reform is fully implemented to ensure that those who govern the city are patriotic. Gradually, I believe Hong Kong society will be more united, and our citizens should be more confident for its future.

GT: When many Hong Kong citizens use words such as "stability," "order," and "hope" to describe the effects of the implementation of the national security law for Hong Kong and the reform of the electoral system, some Hong Kong residents think that the freedom of Hong Kong is eroded, and more people may choose to leave Hong Kong because of this political atmosphere. We would like to ask how you view such doubts, and for those who choose to leave Hong Kong because of the change of political atmosphere, what would you say?

Lam: Hong Kong is a very diversified place and it has been influenced by Western culture for a long time. Therefore, some people do not understand the "one country, two systems." One may have some views on certain political concepts, but as long as he does not violate Hong Kong law, then there is no problem living here. Under the Basic Law, everyone's freedoms and rights are guaranteed. It's also understandable that individuals make their personal choices.

If I have the chance, I want to say this to all those who plan to leave Hong Kong: Hong Kong is a very unique and charming place. Its uniqueness is that it is a part of China, but it can continue implementing the system we are more familiar with, whether it is a legal system, a financial system, or in our daily life. Then its charm is that its development prospects are very promising. It is an international city that's a financial center, a commercial center, and it has a huge mainland market, which all provide for good opportunities for companies, professionals, and individuals in Hong Kong.

After the social turmoil and all those ups and downs, the city is now back to a stable status with a stable political situation, I also ask the HKSAR government to take more active moves in building the city as a place comfortable for living, doing business, and traveling. Concerning some issues such as housing and education, we are confident to make improvements in the future.

GT: Recently, many Hong Kong citizens warmly welcomed Olympic athletes to visit Hong Kong, and in recent months space experts have visited Hong Kong campuses. Many residents have seen lunar soil brought back by the Chang'e-5 lunar probe exhibited in the city before their own eyes. The Chinese mainland's Korean War-themed blockbuster The Battle at Lake Changjin also drew tremendous popularity. What do you think of the "patriotic boom" emerging in Hong Kong society, and what do you think these activities have brought to Hong Kong society?

Lam: Most of the residents in Hong Kong have always been patriotic, not only after the city's return to the motherland in 1997, but before the return. For more than 40 years of reform and opening up in the country, our entrepreneurs returned to the mainland at a very early stage to invest in business, help alleviate poverty and support the education. 

After the return, however, the city has been affected by many factors, especially since the education of patriotism for young people has not been done very well, and some people have resisted the central government and opposed the mainland. As now we are back on the right track of "one country, two systems," patriotic behavior will not be affected. When there are no opposition organizations instigating illegal behavior, it will be more conducive to Hong Kong's patriotic groups and citizens to express their respect for the country.

In all this national planning, and these important events and activities, Hong Kong residents can clearly see how much care the country attaches to Hong Kong.

Team China Olympic badminton champions play an exhibition match with players from Hong Kong, China in Hong Kong on December 4, 2021. Photo: IC

Implementing Basic Law

GT: What are your personal expectations for the upcoming elections - the LegCo election and the chief executive election? We also see that Hong Kong society still has some worries about these two elections. For example, for some non-pro-establishment groups, it may be worrying, the emergence of an "all same unit" situation. For the pro-establishment camp, they are worried that possible competition will cause some internal conflicts. How do you address these concerns?

Lam: The upcoming LegCo election will be the one with the largest scale in the three important elections - the one for Election Committee, the one for LegCo, and the one for electing the Chief Executive of the HKSAR government. There will be more than 4 million registered voters to elect 90 LegCo members, and through electoral reform, it's becoming much more representative with more balanced participation, as we can see the backgrounds, ages, and professions of the candidates are diverse. I expect that the LegCo election will achieve the goal set by the electoral reform - to elect those who are patriotic to govern the city, safeguarding the Basic Law and the HKSAR government. 

Also, it's not the "all-same-unit" election, as among 153 candidates, they all have different political backgrounds. Some are from the pro-establishment camp and some are not, and some may belong to the pan-democracy camp. And some are independent candidates in terms of political groups, for example, a vice principal of the university or a young, successful entrepreneur. 

Third, I hope that the future LegCo can truly reflect the opinions of all walks of life in Hong Kong. It can not only bring people's demands to the council, but also perform constitutional functions such as amending laws and approving appropriations under the Basic Law. It can also supervise the executive authorities. 

Therefore, I am now calling daily on registered voters in Hong Kong to actively participate in this election. We have also made special arrangements under the COVID-19 epidemic to set up polling stations at three land ports so that Hong Kong-registered voters living in the mainland can cast their vote on December 19 and then immediately return to the mainland without going through the quarantine process.

GT: Are you worried about possible low turnout rates in this election?

Lam: The turnout rate is affected by many factors. There is a saying that when the government is doing well and its credibility is high, the voter turnout will decrease because the people do not have a strong demand to choose different lawmakers to supervise the government. Therefore, I think the turnout rate does not mean anything.

Of course, as the SAR government, we have the responsibility to explain the characteristics of Hong Kong's improved electoral system and encourage every registered voter to exercise their civil rights. But in the end, whether the voter turnout rate is high or low, I don't think we need to worry too much.

GT: Looking back over the past nearly five years, what role do you think you played in the process of Hong Kong's political reform? In your opinion, in the current environment, what is the future of Hong Kong's political reform?

Lam: Previously, we used to use the term "political reform" to describe Hong Kong's work on elections and democracy. Since the city's return to motherland, we have implemented the so-called "political reform package" three times. Only one was successful, and the other two failed because they did not receive more than two-thirds of the support of the LegCo.

But if you look back at the experience of the past few years, because the political system of the HKSAR has been very clearly written under the section on the election of the Chief Executive under the Basic Law, that is, "According to the actual situation in Hong Kong, universal suffrage shall be realized in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress, but the premise is that there must be a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures." So we are not "reforming the political system," but implementing the relevant content of the Basic Law.

From 2013 to 2015, our work team known as "political reform team" spent 20 months to implement universal suffrage of the chief executive. The society also reached some basic consensus, but it met with opposition from some lawmakers. In fact, in the past few years, these lawmakers opposed all proposals related to the HKSAR government and local governance.

(Regarding the future of democracy in Hong Kong,) I think that since we now have a broadly representative election committee, in the future we will have the opportunity to continue to promote the universal election of the chief executive in Hong Kong in accordance with Article 45 of the Basic Law and increase the democratic element. Of course it depends on the actual situation in Hong Kong.

Firm support, strong belief 

GT: Since 2019, we have seen many of your "emotional moments," which contain a lot of tears and helplessness... What has supported you in those difficult times to where you are today?

Lam: In those toughest of moments, there are three forces which were supporting me. The first is the support from the central government. During that time, the central government strongly supported Hong Kong. It clearly stated that Hong Kong need not be afraid, because the central government will always be the strongest backing for Hong Kong.

The second is my promise when I took office. In my speech on July 1, 2017, I once said that no matter what storms and waves may arise in Hong Kong in the future, I will accompany Hong Kong people through it, just like in a Cantonese song, "As long as I stand by your side, I have always escorted you," this is my promise to Hong Kong.

The third is of course the support of the family. My husband and two sons, they undoubtedly support my work.

GT: Earlier you stated in your Policy Address that you would personally "teach a lesson" for civics teachers. We have seen the latest reports that the relevant training courses were held in late November. Why did you decide to give a public class to the civics teachers yourself, and what did you hope to achieve by this? What are your expectations for the future media and education environment in Hong Kong, and what long-term measures does the government plan to take?

Lam: At the beginning of the new semester in September this year, I once went to a fourth-grade civic and social development class to observe. I think the teacher taught very well and the students also asked questions. I felt at the time that there was a problem that must be studied well under the "one country, two systems" policy in Hong Kong, that is, what is the constitutional status of the chief executive under "one country, two systems?" What is its function?

So I thought, who is the most qualified to talk about this issue? It must be the chief executive herself, especially in my current term in the HKSAR government as one who has experienced so many difficulties and challenges. I put forward the idea of "telling my own stories" to give lectures and support Hong Kong education and new civics and social development courses. 

In that class, more than 100 teachers were listening, and there were more than 1,000 teachers online. I am willing to spend more time communicating with the education sector in Hong Kong, because it is so important for our young people to learn "one country, two systems" well. We are doing a lot about how to strengthen education in Hong Kong in the future. We hope that the young generation in Hong Kong will be a generation with an attachment to the country and to Hong Kong, who will also shoulder responsibilities.

Primary school students visit an exhibition showcasing China's scientific achievements in the past 100 years at the Hong Kong Convention and Exhibition Center on July 7, 2021. Photo: IC

GT: When you finished your visit to Central China's Hubei, you mentioned that if we do not implement "one country, two systems" well, we would feel sorry to Deng Xiaoping. What did you mean by this? What are the key factors in implementing "one country, two systems?"

Lam: The idea of "one country, two systems" is very innovative and creative. In what country can there be two systems in the same country, and most of it is a system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, but at the same time it allows that, in a small place, the HKSAR to implement its own system.

We must understand what the original intention of "one country, two systems" is to maintain unity of the motherland, maintain the integrity of the territory, and safeguard the interests of the country's security and development. This cannot be compromised, but it is very practical.

Editor's Note: 

Less than two weeks ahead of Legislative Council elections in Hong Kong, the Global Times reporters Chen Qingqing and Bai Yunyi (GT) had an exclusive interview with Carrie Lam(Lam), chief executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government, to look back on her experience in governing Hong Kong, especially during the most difficult period in 2019 amid social turmoil, how she sees the implementation of the national security law for Hong Kong, and how electoral reform has changed the landscape of political life and helped bring back social stability. Lam also shared her expectations for the upcoming elections and responded to some doubts such as possible low turnout rates. 

A view of Hong Kong Photo: VCG

Looking back on the years 

GT：As you have been the chief executive of the HKSAR government for nearly five years now, if you look back on your experience in those years, what do you think your greatest achievement and your greatest regret are, respectively?

Lam: The past four years or so may be the most severe, challenging period for Hong Kong since its return to the motherland in 1997. We had nearly a year of social unrest from the second half of 2019, and we have been fighting against the COVID-19 epidemic for almost two years. In such a difficult situation, I feel relieved that Hong Kong has been getting through all these ups and downs, and the situation is now stable, which is also a good situation.

It's hard to say what I achieved, but what makes me quite satisfied is that Hong Kong has gone through such a storm, and with the support of the central government, the city is back on the correct track of "one country, two systems." That makes me feel fully confident for its future. I believe that under "one country, two systems," Hong Kong can continue playing out its advantages and integrating into the country's overall development plan, ensuring that the "one country, two systems" policy is carried out steadily.

What is most regretful is I was unable to unite Hong Kong society better. When I looked back to my campaign slogan five years ago, it was "We connect." At that time, we had many social conflicts and divergences, but I pledged with this slogan for hope to unite Hong Kong society throughout my tenure. However, what happened in 2019 led to many young, misled students to engage in some illegal conduct. It's a pity that I could not have united Hong Kong society better. 

I believe that we'll have this chance in the future, as now the "one country, two systems" is back on the right track, and electoral reform is fully implemented to ensure that those who govern the city are patriotic. Gradually, I believe Hong Kong society will be more united, and our citizens should be more confident for its future.

GT: When many Hong Kong citizens use words such as "stability," "order," and "hope" to describe the effects of the implementation of the national security law for Hong Kong and the reform of the electoral system, some Hong Kong residents think that the freedom of Hong Kong is eroded, and more people may choose to leave Hong Kong because of this political atmosphere. We would like to ask how you view such doubts, and for those who choose to leave Hong Kong because of the change of political atmosphere, what would you say?

Lam: Hong Kong is a very diversified place and it has been influenced by Western culture for a long time. Therefore, some people do not understand the "one country, two systems." One may have some views on certain political concepts, but as long as he does not violate Hong Kong law, then there is no problem living here. Under the Basic Law, everyone's freedoms and rights are guaranteed. It's also understandable that individuals make their personal choices.

If I have the chance, I want to say this to all those who plan to leave Hong Kong: Hong Kong is a very unique and charming place. Its uniqueness is that it is a part of China, but it can continue implementing the system we are more familiar with, whether it is a legal system, a financial system, or in our daily life. Then its charm is that its development prospects are very promising. It is an international city that's a financial center, a commercial center, and it has a huge mainland market, which all provide for good opportunities for companies, professionals, and individuals in Hong Kong.

After the social turmoil and all those ups and downs, the city is now back to a stable status with a stable political situation, I also ask the HKSAR government to take more active moves in building the city as a place comfortable for living, doing business, and traveling. Concerning some issues such as housing and education, we are confident to make improvements in the future.

GT: Recently, many Hong Kong citizens warmly welcomed Olympic athletes to visit Hong Kong, and in recent months space experts have visited Hong Kong campuses. Many residents have seen lunar soil brought back by the Chang'e-5 lunar probe exhibited in the city before their own eyes. The Chinese mainland's Korean War-themed blockbuster The Battle at Lake Changjin also drew tremendous popularity. What do you think of the "patriotic boom" emerging in Hong Kong society, and what do you think these activities have brought to Hong Kong society?

Lam: Most of the residents in Hong Kong have always been patriotic, not only after the city's return to the motherland in 1997, but before the return. For more than 40 years of reform and opening up in the country, our entrepreneurs returned to the mainland at a very early stage to invest in business, help alleviate poverty and support the education. 

After the return, however, the city has been affected by many factors, especially since the education of patriotism for young people has not been done very well, and some people have resisted the central government and opposed the mainland. As now we are back on the right track of "one country, two systems," patriotic behavior will not be affected. When there are no opposition organizations instigating illegal behavior, it will be more conducive to Hong Kong's patriotic groups and citizens to express their respect for the country.

In all this national planning, and these important events and activities, Hong Kong residents can clearly see how much care the country attaches to Hong Kong.

Team China Olympic badminton champions play an exhibition match with players from Hong Kong, China in Hong Kong on December 4, 2021. Photo: IC

Implementing Basic Law

GT: What are your personal expectations for the upcoming elections - the LegCo election and the chief executive election? We also see that Hong Kong society still has some worries about these two elections. For example, for some non-pro-establishment groups, it may be worrying, the emergence of an "all same unit" situation. For the pro-establishment camp, they are worried that possible competition will cause some internal conflicts. How do you address these concerns?

Lam: The upcoming LegCo election will be the one with the largest scale in the three important elections - the one for Election Committee, the one for LegCo, and the one for electing the Chief Executive of the HKSAR government. There will be more than 4 million registered voters to elect 90 LegCo members, and through electoral reform, it's becoming much more representative with more balanced participation, as we can see the backgrounds, ages, and professions of the candidates are diverse. I expect that the LegCo election will achieve the goal set by the electoral reform - to elect those who are patriotic to govern the city, safeguarding the Basic Law and the HKSAR government. 

Also, it's not the "all-same-unit" election, as among 153 candidates, they all have different political backgrounds. Some are from the pro-establishment camp and some are not, and some may belong to the pan-democracy camp. And some are independent candidates in terms of political groups, for example, a vice principal of the university or a young, successful entrepreneur. 

Third, I hope that the future LegCo can truly reflect the opinions of all walks of life in Hong Kong. It can not only bring people's demands to the council, but also perform constitutional functions such as amending laws and approving appropriations under the Basic Law. It can also supervise the executive authorities. 

Therefore, I am now calling daily on registered voters in Hong Kong to actively participate in this election. We have also made special arrangements under the COVID-19 epidemic to set up polling stations at three land ports so that Hong Kong-registered voters living in the mainland can cast their vote on December 19 and then immediately return to the mainland without going through the quarantine process.

GT: Are you worried about possible low turnout rates in this election?

Lam: The turnout rate is affected by many factors. There is a saying that when the government is doing well and its credibility is high, the voter turnout will decrease because the people do not have a strong demand to choose different lawmakers to supervise the government. Therefore, I think the turnout rate does not mean anything.

Of course, as the SAR government, we have the responsibility to explain the characteristics of Hong Kong's improved electoral system and encourage every registered voter to exercise their civil rights. But in the end, whether the voter turnout rate is high or low, I don't think we need to worry too much.

GT: Looking back over the past nearly five years, what role do you think you played in the process of Hong Kong's political reform? In your opinion, in the current environment, what is the future of Hong Kong's political reform?

Lam: Previously, we used to use the term "political reform" to describe Hong Kong's work on elections and democracy. Since the city's return to motherland, we have implemented the so-called "political reform package" three times. Only one was successful, and the other two failed because they did not receive more than two-thirds of the support of the LegCo.

But if you look back at the experience of the past few years, because the political system of the HKSAR has been very clearly written under the section on the election of the Chief Executive under the Basic Law, that is, "According to the actual situation in Hong Kong, universal suffrage shall be realized in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress, but the premise is that there must be a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures." So we are not "reforming the political system," but implementing the relevant content of the Basic Law.

From 2013 to 2015, our work team known as "political reform team" spent 20 months to implement universal suffrage of the chief executive. The society also reached some basic consensus, but it met with opposition from some lawmakers. In fact, in the past few years, these lawmakers opposed all proposals related to the HKSAR government and local governance.

(Regarding the future of democracy in Hong Kong,) I think that since we now have a broadly representative election committee, in the future we will have the opportunity to continue to promote the universal election of the chief executive in Hong Kong in accordance with Article 45 of the Basic Law and increase the democratic element. Of course it depends on the actual situation in Hong Kong.

Firm support, strong belief 

GT: Since 2019, we have seen many of your "emotional moments," which contain a lot of tears and helplessness... What has supported you in those difficult times to where you are today?

Lam: In those toughest of moments, there are three forces which were supporting me. The first is the support from the central government. During that time, the central government strongly supported Hong Kong. It clearly stated that Hong Kong need not be afraid, because the central government will always be the strongest backing for Hong Kong.

The second is my promise when I took office. In my speech on July 1, 2017, I once said that no matter what storms and waves may arise in Hong Kong in the future, I will accompany Hong Kong people through it, just like in a Cantonese song, "As long as I stand by your side, I have always escorted you," this is my promise to Hong Kong.

The third is of course the support of the family. My husband and two sons, they undoubtedly support my work.

GT: Earlier you stated in your Policy Address that you would personally "teach a lesson" for civics teachers. We have seen the latest reports that the relevant training courses were held in late November. Why did you decide to give a public class to the civics teachers yourself, and what did you hope to achieve by this? What are your expectations for the future media and education environment in Hong Kong, and what long-term measures does the government plan to take?

Lam: At the beginning of the new semester in September this year, I once went to a fourth-grade civic and social development class to observe. I think the teacher taught very well and the students also asked questions. I felt at the time that there was a problem that must be studied well under the "one country, two systems" policy in Hong Kong, that is, what is the constitutional status of the chief executive under "one country, two systems?" What is its function?

So I thought, who is the most qualified to talk about this issue? It must be the chief executive herself, especially in my current term in the HKSAR government as one who has experienced so many difficulties and challenges. I put forward the idea of "telling my own stories" to give lectures and support Hong Kong education and new civics and social development courses. 

In that class, more than 100 teachers were listening, and there were more than 1,000 teachers online. I am willing to spend more time communicating with the education sector in Hong Kong, because it is so important for our young people to learn "one country, two systems" well. We are doing a lot about how to strengthen education in Hong Kong in the future. We hope that the young generation in Hong Kong will be a generation with an attachment to the country and to Hong Kong, who will also shoulder responsibilities.

Primary school students visit an exhibition showcasing China's scientific achievements in the past 100 years at the Hong Kong Convention and Exhibition Center on July 7, 2021. Photo: IC

GT: When you finished your visit to Central China's Hubei, you mentioned that if we do not implement "one country, two systems" well, we would feel sorry to Deng Xiaoping. What did you mean by this? What are the key factors in implementing "one country, two systems?"

Lam: The idea of "one country, two systems" is very innovative and creative. In what country can there be two systems in the same country, and most of it is a system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, but at the same time it allows that, in a small place, the HKSAR to implement its own system.

We must understand what the original intention of "one country, two systems" is to maintain unity of the motherland, maintain the integrity of the territory, and safeguard the interests of the country's security and development. This cannot be compromised, but it is very practical.