Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban Photo: Xinhua

Soon after Hungary assumed the rotating presidency of the Council of the EU on July 1, Prime Minister Viktor Orban embarked on a round of 'shuttle diplomacy,' visiting Ukraine, Russia, China and the US consecutively, drawing close attention from the international community.

Orban's agenda centered on European competitiveness, EU defense issues, China-EU relations, and prospects of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. During his visits, he expressed to both Moscow and Kiev his hope for a peaceful political settlement to the Ukraine crisis, and willingness to be the communication channel between Russia and the West, which caught out countries led by the US and Ukraine working to present a united front on Ukraine against Russia.

Orban's visits to both Ukraine and Russia, and in particular Ukraine, prove that Hungary's stance toward Ukraine remains fundamentally unchanged. European media dubbed these visits as a "surprise," indicating Hungary's limited preparation for talks with Ukraine and consultation with EU institutions before setting off. Its policy toward Ukraine continues to prioritize its own interest by opposing Western aid to Ukraine, and advocating an early restoration of peace.

Similarly surprising, Orban paid a flying visit to China on July 8 and met with Chinese President Xi Jinping. Beyond leveraging the EU presidency to advance China-EU relations, Orban also aims to further deepen his country's ties with China. Hungary hopes to play the role of mediator between Russia and Ukraine to facilitate peace talks as soon as possible, which, if successful, could alleviate the EU's doubts about China-Russia relations and ease diplomatic tensions with China. 

Hungary also strives to prevent economic frictions between China and the EU, improving bilateral economic and trade relationships. China on the other hand can capitalize on Hungary's presidency as a window of opportunity to enhance communication with Europe, seeking to improve the EU's understanding of China and foster a mutually beneficial China-EU relationship.

Orban's proposal for a peaceful political resolution to the Russia-Ukraine conflict echoes the shuttle diplomacy efforts of Chinese envoy Li Hui over the past two years, underscores the resonance of China's proposition of "promoting peace talk" in Europe. However, some Western politicians have unfairly labeled China's and Hungary's efforts as biased toward Russia, revealing their narrow-minded adherence to Western political correctness of "taking sides," which has become the greatest obstacle to achieving peace. 

It is evident to all that Russia and Ukraine have reached a stalemate, making this a golden opportunity for a cease-fire. Yet, the EU hesitates to endorse a cease-fire and reacts sensitively to peacemaking efforts, revealing its own political and economic considerations. Only countries like Hungary and Slovakia, which are reliant on energy imports and have a long-term vision for global industrial cycles, are proactive for peace.

Hungary's foreign policy has seen little change following its assumption of the EU presidency. It continues to prioritize its national interests in the Ukraine crisis, seek a swift end to the war, and consolidate ties with the US right-wing political forces represented by Trump. From the perspective of China-Hungary relations, Hungary's policy toward the Ukraine crisis shares similarities with China's, laying a solid foundation for further bilateral dialogue and the communication of China's peacemaking stance to the EU through Hungary's presidency. Amid an upgrading of the China-Hungary relationship, it's unlikely that Orban abandons cooperation with China in favor of aligning with the US.

While it's predictable that Orban's "shuttle diplomacy" may be unlikely to break the stalemate between Russia and Ukraine, Hungary's mediation as the EU presidency among China, Russia, Ukraine and the US demonstrates Europe's potential as a pivotal pillar in a multipolar world, rather than merely a "second-class citizen" under Ursula von der Leyen.

The author is vice-director of the Department of Central and Eastern Europe, Institute of European Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn