Illustration: Tang Tengfei/GT

Right after Brazilian agriculture minister proposed on Tuesday that Brazil should join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to counter protectionist measures from the US and EU, US Trade Representative Katherine Tai responded on Wednesday saying Brazil should consider the risks of joining the BRI before making any final decision. Tai's rhetoric and anxiety are hardly new.

During the Aspen Security Forum in July, US General Laura Richardson, the commander of United States Southern Command, responsible for overseeing operations across Latin America and the Caribbean, criticized the growing collaboration between China and the region. She suggested that a new "Marshall Plan" for Latin America could serve as a countermeasure to initiatives such as the BRI.

In August, Richardson told attendees at the South American Defense Conference (SOUTHDEC) in Santiago, Chile, that SOUTHDEC "is a call to action" for "Team Democracy" to work "overtime together" to confront unfolding threats in the region.

These statements are part of a broader US strategy to revive Cold War-era rhetoric under the guise of a "new cold war," echoing the principles of the Monroe Doctrine and aligning with US efforts to curb China's growing influence. Unsurprisingly, this rhetoric has intensified alongside the strengthening of relations between China and Latin America.

Globally, the hardening of the US stance toward China has become increasingly evident. Successive US administrations have taken progressively tougher measures, from the trade war to initiatives like Quad and AUKUS, all aimed at increasing diplomatic, economic and military pressure on China.

In Latin America, this strategy has materialized through frequent remarks by high-ranking US officials questioning the intentions behind China's cooperation projects, often accompanied by accusations of Chinese "imperialism" or "neocolonialism" in the region, and invoking myths such as the "debt trap." These efforts have specifically targeted China's involvement in the Panama Canal and various infrastructure projects across the region, culminating in US diplomatic attempts to block the adoption of Huawei's 5G technology in Latin American telecommunications networks.

Despite the US' efforts, Latin American governments and their citizens appear increasingly indifferent to such appeals, choosing instead to strengthen ties with China, South America's largest trading partner and the second-largest for Latin America overall. With more than 20 Latin American and Caribbean countries already part of the BRI, Colombia recently announced its intention to join, while Brazil has expressed serious interest in doing the same. Chinese investments, particularly in renewable energy and infrastructure, continue to grow, significantly boosting local economic development. 

It is ironic that accusations of China's alleged predatory interests in Latin America come from Washington, which for decades has treated the region as its backyard, routinely intervening to protect its own interests. Given this historical context, it is even more striking that General Richardson has proposed a new Marshall Plan for the region as a means of countering Chinese influence. After all, the application of the Marshall Plan in Cold War-era Europe was directly tied to intervention in domestic affairs: financial aid was conditional on governments excluding communist parties from their coalitions.

In the 2000s, Latin America's economic recovery was closely tied to its growing synergy with China, which became an indispensable trading partner following its accession to the WTO. Over time, this partnership expanded beyond trade, fostering deeper cooperation through mechanisms such as the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States-China Forum. The mass participation of Latin American and Caribbean countries in the BRI underscores this growing relationship, with investments in infrastructure and renewable energy projects further strengthening these ties.

As a result, statements from US officials are unlikely to resonate with Latin American countries. Their claims lack credibility when contrasted with the tangible cooperation between China and Latin America and do not reflect the US' own record in the region. China-Latin American ties have been built on mutual respect and non-interference, extending beyond trade to include investments, technology, as well as cultural and educational exchanges. China and Latin America share a history of resisting colonialism and exploitation by foreign powers and are now aligned in promoting a multipolar world order. The rhetoric of a "new cold war," driven by neo-filibusters, alongside the revival of the Monroe Doctrine, stands in direct opposition to Latin America's aspirations for sovereignty and cooperative development.

The author is a Brazilian commentator on international relations and a PhD candidate in Global Studies at Shanghai University. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn