Illustration: Liu Rui/GT

During my stay in Kenya, I spoke with several middle-aged Kenyans who shared their plans to send their children abroad for education, which they have been saving for. When I inquired about their preferred countries, the two most popular countries were the US and the UK, followed by China. They noted that students studying in the US or UK typically do not return, while those in China often return due to job opportunities in Kenya. 

This disparity highlights the different influences of China compared to the US and the West.

What does it mean when Kenyan students who've learned Chinese return home with job opportunities? It means Chinese companies are creating jobs there. It means substantial quantities of trade, business, and a booming number of small and medium-sized enterprises have an increasing demand for people who speak Chinese. This is a clear sign that China's investments are playing a key role in helping countries like Kenya develop.

The US has significantly intensified its engagement with Kenya, marking a new phase in African diplomacy. The appointment of Meg Whitman, former CEO of Hewlett-Packard, as US Ambassador in Kenya signals this elevated attention. America's renewed focus on Kenya combines strategic, economic and political dimensions. Recent US investments in Kenya's technology sector include digital infrastructure development, the establishment of tech hubs, and capacity-building programs, marking increased cooperation in the digital economy.
 The US values Africa because of China's increasing investment. The competition for influence between China and the US in Africa seems to be a question of who invests more. Still, it is actually a question of how to help Africa develop.

The 2022 Kenya presidential election illustrates these complexities. US election assistance supported technical systems and voter education. Yet, when these systems faced challenges on election day, it fueled political tensions and questioned the role of external intervention. This situation highlighted the potential risks of relying on external assistance for crucial democratic processes. 

Three fundamental problems emerge from this approach. First, democratic assistance often carries implicit political preferences, influencing local power dynamics despite claims of neutrality. This can lead to a distortion of the democratic process. Second, Western democratic templates frequently misalign with Kenya's social and political realities, overlooking traditional governance systems and cultural contexts. This can lead to a lack of resonance with the local population. Third, aid conditions can restrict Kenya's policy autonomy and development choices, potentially undermining the country's sovereignty.

This creates a paradox: while aiming to promote democratic self-determination, US assistance may actually constrain genuine democratic evolution. The standardized approach to democratic development, which often carries implicit political preferences and overlooks Kenya's unique historical path and social fabric, can inadvertently restrict the country's democratic evolution. This paradox underscores the need for a more nuanced and context-specific approach to promote democracy. 

The core issue isn't the principle of supporting democratic development but the methods employed. External pressure to adopt specific political models can weaken local institutions and distort natural political evolution. This approach may ultimately undermine the very democratic principles it aims to promote.

This is a key issue for the US and Western countries and a problem that has not been addressed well. Watching China's growing influence in Africa, the West focuses too much on how much is invested in projects, thus ignoring the problems caused by their ongoing policies. In fact, this is also the key to why the cooperation between China and Africa will have different effects.

The author is a senior editor with People's Daily, and currently a senior fellow with the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies at Renmin University of China. dinggang@globaltimes.com.cn. Follow him on X @dinggangchina